来源：国政学人

　　期刊简介

　　《国际政治经济学评论》(Review of International Political Economy)是一份涵盖国际政治经济学研究的双月刊同行评审学术期刊。其成立于1999年，由Routledge出版。本刊是国际政治经济学领域的主流期刊之一，与《新政治经济学》(New Political Economy)并列。2024年期刊影响因子为4.659。

　　本期目录

1

　　制定优惠贸易协定中的否决权和准入能力

　　Veto powers and access capabilities in the design of preferential trade agreements

2

　　非洲的数字发展之路：在信息通信技术领域为中国结构性力量铺平道路？

　　Africa’s roads to digital development: paving the way for Chinese structural power in the ICT sector?

3

　　1990年代中期的大豆自由化表明，关于中国农村工业化中外国投资的作用是什么？

　　What does the mid-1990s soybean liberalization tell us about the role of foreign investment in China’s rural industrialization?

4

　　不要追踪资金：绘制国际税收的微观代理图

　　Unfollow the money: mapping the micro agents of international tax

5

　　范式变革的过程：引导式创新在中国的兴起

　　The process of paradigm change: the rise of guided innovation in China

6

　　多边贸易体系中发展政策空间的（出人意料）回归：世贸组织上诉机构的封锁对发展中国家意味着什么

　　The (surprise) return of development policy space in the multilateral trading system: what the WTO Appellate Body blockage means for the developmental state

7

　　一个古老而新颖的想法：引入G-Pub，一个公共银行成立的原始数据集

　　An old, novel idea: introducing G-Pub, an original dataset of public bank formation

8

　　搭上发展顺风车：世界银行对网约车公司的研究

　　Taking development for a ride: the World Bank’s research with ride-hailing companies

　　内容摘要

　　制定优惠贸易协定中的否决权和准入能力

　　题目：Veto powers and access capabilities in the design of preferential trade agreements

　　作者：Ninfa M. Fuentes-Sosa，经济研究与教学中心国际研究部主任兼研究教授

　　摘要：关于国内政治行为者对制定优惠贸易政策的影响研究主要集中在作为政策变化阻碍的否决权使用者身上，将它们的角色假定为获取经济利益的准入点或渠道。准入点和否决权使用者理论预测，多个准入点会导致保护主义偏见并且许多否决权使用者会对优惠贸易协定有制约性影响。本研究认为，结合否决权使用者和准入点理论，否决权使用者和准入点数量的变化对优惠贸易协定制度特征的影响取决于与政治行为者互动的出口商类型（基于捐赠基金或行业内的出口商）。定量研究表明，当产业内出口价值提升时，否决权使用者以及准入点对优惠贸易协定的范围和自主性的限制性影响较小。这项研究采用了一种新型的数据库来估计由500个贸易伙伴生产的256种标准国际贸易分类的产业内价值和基于捐赠的出口价值。这项发现强调了考虑政治行为者和经济利益对制定优惠贸易协定的更广泛影响的重要性。

　　Studies of domestic political actors’ influence on the design of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have focused on veto players as obstacles to policy change, assuming their roles as access points or channels for economic interests. Access point and veto player theories predict that multiple access points lead to a protectionist bias and that numerous veto players have a constraining influence over PTAs. This study argues that after the veto player and access point theories are combined, the effect of variation in the number of veto players and access points on the institutional features of PTAs depends on the types of exporters (endowment-based or intra-industry exporters) with whom said political actors interact. Quantitative tests show that as the value of intra-industry exports rises, veto players and access points have a less constraining effect on the scope and autonomy of PTAs. This study employed a novel dataset to approximate the values of intra-industry and endowment-based exports of 256 Standard International Trade Classification (SITC) products manufactured by 500 trading partners. The findings highlight the importance of considering the broader influence of political actors and economic interests on PTA design.

　　非洲的数字发展之路：在信息通信技术领域为中国结构性力量铺平道路？

　　题目：Africa’s roads to digital development: paving the way for Chinese structural power in the ICT sector?

　　作者：Stephanie Arnold，意大利博洛尼亚大学政治与社会科学系博士候选人，比利时联合国大学CRIS数字治理集群博士研究员

　　摘要：在过去的数十年里，中国已经成为了非洲数字发展的主要伙伴。中非在信息通信技术的合作满足了非洲对先进技术和专有技术的需求，同时帮助了中国在全球信息通信技术领域占据了一席之地。尽管这在短期内对非洲的数字发展至关重要，但本文认为中非合作的广度会带来重要的长期后果，即可以使中国拥有对非洲数字发展的潜在控制。通过借鉴苏珊·斯特兰奇的结构性力量支柱理论，本文探讨了光纤网络电缆的推出如何支撑中国对生产的控制，数据中心的建设可能如何影响安全以及研究伙伴如何在未来创新中增强规范与标准——知识支柱。本文认为，中非在这三个领域合作的推动力是中国金融业。为了验证这种说法，作者在撒哈拉以南的42个非洲国家组织了一次定性比较分析，表明中国的援助以及中国贷款，在较小程度上，是中非在信息通信技术领域关系的主要驱动力。本文认为中国的金融援助不仅仅促进了非洲的数字发展，而且为中国在信息通信技术领域的结构性力量铺平了道路。

　　Over the past few decades, China emerged as Africa’s main partner in digital development. Sino-African cooperation in the Information and Communications Technology (ICT) sector meets African demand for advanced technologies and know-how while helping China to position itself in the global ICT sector. Albeit crucial for Africa’s digital development in the short term, this paper argues that the breadth of Sino-African cooperation carries important long-term consequences that could afford China latent control over Africa’s digital development. Drawing on Susan Strange’s pillars of structural power, this paper considers how the rollout of fiber-optic network cables underpins Chinese control over production, how the construction of data centers might impinge on security, and how research partnerships enhance norms and standards in future innovation—the knowledge pillar. The paper argues that the enabling force of Sino-African cooperation in these three realms is Chinese finance. To test this claim, I conduct a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) of 42 states in Sub-Saharan Africa, showing that Chinese aid and, to a lesser extent, Chinese loans are the main drivers of Sino-African ties in the ICT sector. The paper concludes that Chinese financial support not only promotes Africa’s digital development but also paves the way to Chinese structural power in the ICT sector.

　　1990年代中期的大豆自由化表明，关于中国农村工业化中外国投资的作用是什么？

　　题目：What does the mid-1990s soybean liberalization tell us about the role of foreign investment in China’s rural industrialization?

　　作者：Tomaz Mefano Fares，贝德福德大学国际商务讲师，亚非学院食品中心副研究员

　　摘要：本文重新评估了1980年代到1990年代早期外国投资在中国农村工业化中的作用。它借鉴了农业跨国公司与国内主要本土商之间在国家大豆产品中的权力争端。作者遵循克里斯·布拉莫尔的论点，即自1960年和1970年代的毛时代以来，食品加工基础设施逐渐增长，而不是在改革开放期间源自外国投资或亲商的地方国家官员支持。然而，作者突破了这一假设，认为外国投资在农村工业化中往往发挥负面作用，这取决于它们的政治行为。作者通过深入的实证分析表明，由于毛时代的工业遗产，中国东北的大豆加工商在国家保护主义之下，逐步形成了一种基于本地生产和消费循环的内生性积累形式。这种特定的工业化轨迹使本土大豆加工商与农业跨国公司处于对立面。农业跨国公司通过双边和多边影响力推动的自由化议程最终导致中国在1990年代后期开放大豆进口，允许其全球贸易垄断地位得到巩固，这损害了国内本土商的利益。

　　This article reassesses the role of foreign investments in China’s rural industrialization in the 1980s and the early 1990s. It draws upon the power disputes between agribusiness transnational corporations (TNCs) and central domestic players in the country’s soybean complex. I follow Chris Bramall’s argument that food processing infrastructure grew progressively since the Maoist era in the 1960s and 1970s, instead of springing from foreign investments or pro-business local state officials during the reform and opening up. However, I go beyond this assumption by suggesting that foreign investments often had a detrimental role in rural industrialization, depending on their political action. I show through in-depth empirical analyses that due to the Maoist industrial legacy, soybean processors from Northeast China consolidated an endogenous form of accumulation based on local circuits of production and consumption under state protectionism. This specific industrialization trajectory has put them on opposite sides from agribusiness TNCs. The liberalization agenda pushed by the TNCs through bilateral and multilateral levels of influence culminated in the opening of China’s soybean imports in the late 1990s, allowing the consolidation of their global trade monopoly to the detriment of domestic players.

　　不要追踪资金：绘制国际税收的微观代理图

　　题目：Unfollow the money: mapping the micro agents of international tax

　　作者：Saila Stausholm，科隆马克斯·普朗克社会研究所博士后研究员；Javier Garcia-Bernardo，乌得勒支大学方法论和统计学助理教授

　　摘要：金融全球化使跨国公司能够在各个司法管辖区之间转移利润，以降低税率，这损害了公共财政并使政策制定者感到担忧。虽然已有政策成效多聚焦于能够使税率降低的司法管辖区，但学者们越来越意识到微观层面行为者的重要性。本文使用一种基于领英的新型实证方法，对公司税务顾问们进行地理定位，他们主要是那些具有影响力的微观避税行为主体。本文发现，税务顾问通常位于欧盟和经济合作组织的大城市，而不是被定位为“避税天堂”的地方。通过使用多元回归分析，本文发现税务顾问的位置并没有与公司盈利、财务秘密或者经济活动的所在地相关。相反，它与管理和金融活动相关。本文发现税务顾问不成比例地出现在撰写黑名单的国家上，而不是被列入黑名单的国家。本文认为，对避税行为的有效监管需要关注税务顾问，而不仅仅只关注资金流动的目的地。

　　Financial globalization has enabled multinational corporations to shift profits between jurisdictions to lower their tax rate, undermining public finances and concerning policy makers. While policy efforts have focused on the jurisdictions that enable lower taxes, scholars increasingly recognize the importance of micro-level actors. We geographically map corporate tax advisors, influential micro-level actors in tax avoidance, using a novel empirical approach based on LinkedIn. We show that tax advisors are generally located in large cities in the EU and OECD, rather than in places targeted as ‘tax havens’. Using multiple regression analysis, we find that the location of tax advisors is not correlated with the location of corporate profits, financial secrecy, or economic activity. Rather, it correlates with managerial and financial activity. We find that tax advisors are disproportionately placed in the countries writing the blacklists rather than the countries blacklisted. We argue that effective regulation of tax avoidance needs to focus on tax advisors, not only on the destination of financial flows.

　　范式变革的过程：引导式创新在中国的兴起

　　题目：The process of paradigm change: the rise of guided innovation in China

　　作者：Andrew B. Kennedy，澳大利亚国立大学克劳福德公共政策学院副教授

　　摘要：本文为理解科学、技术和创新政策背后的信念提供了一个新框架。基于近来研究所确立的科技创新政策中几种不同的“政策范式”，新框架解释了这些范式如何被理解为等级信仰体系，并确定了每个范式中的不同变体。本文紧接着阐明了各国在这一领域从一种范式过渡到另一种范式的可能方式，重点关注了1980年代后“创新体系政策”范式的国际传播。本文强调了关于国家干预经济的本土意识形态如何塑造新范式在接受国的本地化方式。为了探究这一理论的合理性，本文提出了一深入的案例研究，重点关注近几十年来中国对创新体系政策范式的接受和本土化。

　　This article offers a new framework for understanding the beliefs behind science, technology and innovation (STI) policy. Building on recent research that has identified several distinct ‘policy paradigms’ in STI policy, it explains how these paradigms may be understood as hierarchical belief systems, and it identifies different variants within each paradigm. The article then illuminates one means through which countries may transition from one paradigm to another in this domain, focusing on the international diffusion of the ‘innovation systems policy’ paradigm after the 1980s. The article emphasizes how local ideology regarding state intervention in the economy shapes how the new paradigm is localized in the receiving state. To probe the plausibility of this theory, the article presents an in-depth case study focused on China’s reception and localization of the innovation systems policy paradigm in recent decades.

　　多边贸易体系中发展政策空间的（出人意料）回归：世贸组织上诉机构的封锁对发展中国家意味着什么

　　题目：The (surprise) return of development policy space in the multilateral trading system: what the WTO Appellate Body blockage means for the developmental state

　　作者：Kristen Hopewell，英属哥伦比亚大学公共政策与全球事务学院教授兼加拿大全球政策研究主席

　　摘要：自世界贸易组织成立以来——这导致了全球贸易规则范围的急剧扩大，并使这些规则对各国具有法律约束力——学界强调了该组织对发展政策空间的限制。通过禁止发展中国家的许多标准手段，世贸组织的规则被视为把发展中国家“踢开梯子”，阻止它们使用必要的贸易和工业政策来赶上更发达的经济体。然而，自2019年以来，美国通过阻止上诉机构的司法任命，禁用了世贸组织的执行机制。因此，本文认为贸易和发展格局在现今已经发生了根本性的变化：世贸组织规则——曾经是发展政策空间的强大制约——将不再具有法律效力。文章分析了最近发生的两起具有里程碑意义的争端——印尼镍出口限制和印度通过经济特区提供的出口补贴——在这些争端中，发展中国家成功地阻止了世贸组织专家组的裁决，这些裁决将迫使它们废除发展主义政策。具有讽刺意味的是，鉴于美国最初是世贸组织反发展主义规则及其具有约束力的争端解决体系背后的主导力量，美国上诉机构封锁的一个重要后果是多边贸易体系中发展政策空间的重新出现。

　　Since the establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO) – which led to a dramatic expansion in the scope of global trade rules and made those rules legally binding on states – scholars have highlighted the constraints it has imposed on development policy space. By prohibiting many of the standard tools of the developmental state, the WTO’s rules have been seen as ‘kicking away the ladder’ for developing countries, preventing them from using the trade and industrial policies needed to catch up with more advanced economies. However, since 2019, the US has disabled the WTO’s enforcement mechanism by blocking judicial appointments to the Appellate Body. As a result, this article shows the trade and development landscape has now changed fundamentally: WTO rules – once a powerful constraint on development policy space – are no longer legally enforceable. The article analyzes two recent landmark disputes – Indonesian nickel export restrictions and Indian export subsidies provided through special economic zones – in which developing countries have successfully blocked WTO panel rulings that would force them to repeal developmentalist policies. Ironically, given that the US was originally the dominant force behind the WTO’s anti-developmentalist rules and its binding dispute settlement system, one important consequence of the US Appellate Body blockage has been the re-emergence of development policy space in the multilateral trading system.

　　一个古老而新颖的想法：引入G-Pub，一个公共银行成立的原始数据集

　　题目：An old, novel idea: introducing G-Pub, an original dataset of public bank formation

　　作者：Devin Case-Ruchala，北卡罗来纳大学阿什维尔分校政治学系博士后研究员

　　摘要：在金融国际化进程日益凸显的背景下，公共银行是一种重新崛起的金融治理模式，它可以作为反周期危机融资、积极投资（如绿色金融）或保护主义贷款的政策工具。然而，没有系统的研究来探究是什么导致政府首先成立公共银行，一部分原因是缺乏数据。本文通过介绍一个原始数据集、概念框架和描述性实证洞察，以作为未来研究的基础。本文讨论了对公共银行的不同定义，以推进“政府发起的公共银行”的更有针对性的概念化，即由政府成立并通过所有权和/或管理保持在政府控制之下的银行。该数据集包括 1,355 家银行，涵盖 1401 年至 2020 年期间的195个国家/地区。利用这些数据，本文检验了流行的假设，即“政府发起的公共银行（G-Pubs）”更有可能在欠发达国家或更专制的国家形成。文章表明，在 1970 年至 2020 年期间，“政府发起的公共银行”的形成反而与发达的民主国家联系在一起。1970年代之前的描述性分析进一步支持了更复杂的观点。这些发现凸显了重新制定公共银行研究议程的必要性，该议程既要考虑国内和国际政治经济动态，也要考虑国际扩散、金融一体化和危机机制。

　　Amidst growing financial internationalization, public banks are a reemerging mode of financial governance that can serve as a policy tool for counter-cyclical crisis financing, proactive investment (e.g. green finance), or protectionist lending. Yet no systematic studies examine what leads governments to form public banks in the first place, in part due to a lack of data. This paper introduces an original dataset, conceptual framework, and descriptive empirical insights to serve as the basis for future research. I discuss contending definitions of public banks to advance the more targeted conceptualization of ‘government-initiated public banks’ (G-Pubs), or banks that are formed by governments and remain under government control through ownership and/or management. The dataset includes 1,355 banks and spans 195 countries for the period 1401–2020. Using these data, I test prevailing assumptions suggesting G-Pubs are more likely to form in less developed or more autocratic countries. I show that for the period 1970–2020, G-Pub formation is instead associated with developed democracies. Descriptive analysis prior to the 1970s further supports a more complex view. These findings underscore the need for a renewed research agenda on public banking that considers both domestic and international political economic dynamics, including international diffusion, financial integration, and crisis mechanisms.

　　搭上发展顺风车：世界银行对网约车公司的研究

　　题目：Taking development for a ride: the World Bank’s research with ride-hailing companies

　　作者：Kate Bedford，伯明翰大学法律和政治经济学教授